I
agree that the term “fascist” has been degraded to mean anything the speaker
does not agree with, especially if the object of the insult is politically to
the right of the speaker. This is very unfortunate, as it dilutes the original
meaning of the term and actually blunts one’s understanding of genuine Fascism.
However, I think that Jonah Goldberg also wields a wide brush and overuses the
term. I haven’t read his book yet, of course, so I am basing my comments
on the SNN interview.
Frankly, I am unconvinced that liberalism is rooted in
fascism. I am also bothered by a tendency, during the interview, of conflating
anyone left of center into one left-wing current of authoritarianism and
moonbattery. The left half of the spectrum runs from Stalinists and Trotskyites all the way to supporters of a
mild welfare state, and it includes legions of people who are democratic and
sensible and who don't eat organic food. Herewith, my thoughts. In
advance, I apologize for the length.
1. It is true that leftists should not be
assumed to be against anti-Semitism. In fact, the left only first became
supportive of the Jews in the wake of the Dreyfus affair. And even after the
affair was underway, there were prominent socialists who were anti-Dreyfus
(Jules Guesde springs to mind). During the nineteenth century, some socialists
and anarchists were outspokenly anti-Semitic because they associated Jews with
capitalism. Think of Marx, Duhring, Bakunin, Proudhon, etc. And, of course, I
don’t have to get into the horrid anti-Semitism of the Soviet bloc.
2. It is
also true that, in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, there was
a fair amount of cross polination between the far right and far left. I could
add some more examples to those Goldberg gave: Mussolini started his political
life as a socialist. Many Nazis took the “Socialism” in “National Socialism”
very seriously (the Strasser brothers, most prominently). In France at the
end of the nineteenth century, Georges Boulanger was a nationalist and populist
demagogue who, as a precursor to Hitler and Mussolini, had many admirers on the
far left and proto-fascist right. The Vichy
regime won over to its ranks several prominent socialists who had never stopped
being socialists, but who were not averse to working for Petain's
"National Revolution." (Marcel Déat is the only name I
remember, but there were others.) If I remember correctly, the economic system
of “corporatism” was originally embraced by the left before it was definitively
taken over by the fascists.
I don’t mean to draw up a laundry list of the
sundry examples that I can think of off-hand, so I’ll stop here and just say
that the extreme left and right did see some crossovers, or at least some fuzzy
boundaries, in those years. That’s because both ends of the political spectrum
were against capitalism and liberal democracy, and both were or claimed to be
pro-labor and populist. (The communist labor movement’s color was red, the
anarchist’s black, and the far right labor movement’s color was yellow.)
However…
3. To say that fascism was “a phenomenon of the left” seems to me to be an
exaggeration. Fascism was a distinct movement with a distinct ideology. It
shared some of the left’s anti-capitalism, at least in rhetoric, and it shared
with Communism a totalitarian bent. But fascism’s overall ideals and vision
were profoundly different from that of any social democrat, socialist or
Communist. The fascists tended to be nationalistic in their orientation, not
internationalist like the left. Though supposedly pro-labor, the fascists were
against “class warfare.” They did not interpret history and economics in terms
of class, but rather in terms of nation or state, or, in the Nazi case, in
terms of race. The fascists didn’t aim for anything like leftwing socialism or
Communism. Rather, they were for a cooperative relationship among the different
classes of society, especially between management and labor within each sector
of the economy--all of this overseen by the state. The state and big business
would attend to the needs of labor, but they would also control labor, and
certainly not to put power in the hands of the workers.
I also think that
Goldberg is indulging in overstatement when he says that liberalism “has roots
in fascism.” Yes, there are many on the left in the US who call themselves liberal and
who behave obnoxiously. But roots in fascism? I’m not convinced. They can be
intolerant, overbearing, dictatorial, and determined to impose their view on
others, and they often demonize or ridicule those who disagree with them. But
by that criterion, the Moral Majority were fascists, too. Actually, I always
thought that liberalism has its roots in some of the best parts of Western
political heritage: the Enlightenment, John Stuart Mill, John Dewey, John
Maynard Keynes, FDR, and democratic reformers of every stripe. The goal of most
liberals is to balance freedom with some measure of social justice, to combine
loyalty to democratic institutions and the rights of private property and
enterprise with an understanding that some measures are needed to ensure
opportunity and to protect society’s most vulnerable. That is to say, to defend
freedom, but also to shield people from the depredations of an unregulated
market, generally doing this with laws to protect the poor, workers,
pensioners, minorities, etc. It’s a question of a mixed economy within a
politically democratic framework. Is that fascism?
I see that the totalitarian
left had a lot in common with fascism, but I cannot see how one can trace
democratic welfare-state liberals back to fascism, except by caricaturing
liberalism beyond recognition. Same goes for social democrats or democratic
socialists or the anti-Stalinist left, however defined. Michael Harrington and
Irving Howe had nothing in common whatsoever with fascism or with any kind of
totalitarianism. Yes, the Webbs admired Stalin, and the Fabians were
influential for a time, but their influence didn’t last. The movement fell
apart when the Webbs’ admiration for Stalin became apparent, precisely because their
followers didn’t share that admiration. So bringing up the Fabians strikes me
as a weak argument. OK, they were there for a time and some of their better
ideas influenced many important people. But that influence didn’t last. It's as
if Goldberg were cherry-picking examples of left-wing leaders who had some nice
things to say about some very nasty regimes. But why not talk about Leon Blum?
And what
about Edouard Bernstein, whose ideas, in the long run, had far more influence
than those of the Webbs? Bernstein's book, Evolutionary
Socialism, charted the course for social democracy, a political movement
that has been overwhelmingly important in Western European postwar politics.
Bernstein broke with the Marxists precisely because he valued democratic
political institutions. He didn’t see them as chimeras just set up to bourgeois
interests, as did the Marxists. And he didn’t see them as just a route to
power, but rather as precious in of themselves for the very same reason that
all democrats did.
4. The fact that HG Wells flogged his notion of “liberal
fascism” does not strike me as evidence of liberalism's roots in fascism. This
was apparently his own conception, probably reflecting, however clumsily, the
political fashions of the day. Wells didn’t support actual fascists in the end,
and the idea of a "liberal fascism" didn’t exactly take hold
among parties of the left or the left-of-center. Again, it is an
interesting anecdote, a curiosity, but it tells me little or nothing about the
evolution of liberalism. I am sure that there were many liberals and
leftists back then who didn't care for fascism of any kind, and who said so. I
am sure that, if one looked for them, one would find many examples of leftists
and liberals who were not in the thrall of Germany,
Italy or the USSR. I am sure
that, if one looked hard enough, one could find examples of American
industrialists who voted Republican, pious Catholics, monarchists, and vegetarians
who also had some good things to say about Hitler and Mussolini before WWII.
Does that mean that American industrialists who voted Republican, pious
Catholics, monarchists, and vegetarians have their roots in fascism?
5. I don’t
know if FDR consciously modeled the New Deal on First World War “socialism.”
I’ll have to defer to Goldberg on that. But I’m skeptical. During the First
World War, Wilson
did develop centralized boards to oversee every aspect of the economy
(transport, agriculture, industry). The most powerful was apparently the War
Industries Board, which allocated raw materials, fixed prices, and literally
told manufacturers what they could and couldn’t make. I understand that this
was done to increase production and to avoid strikes and other disruptions, all
to better coordinate the war effort.
Anyway, governmental power in the US, especially
presidential power, has long tended to increase in wartime because the country
would enter a crisis mode. The same happened under Lincoln during the Civil War, for instance.
As for FDR’s New Deal, agencies like the CCC, TVA, and AAA were meant to work
as an economic stimulus, or as a way to generate government-business-labor cooperation, or,
in the case of the AAA, as a way to bolster farm prices with subsidies to prevent
over-production. I don’t see these measures as socialism. Wilson and
Roosevelt were responding to crises, though very different crises. The New Deal
tried to provide work, cooperation and supports in an attempt to stimulate the
economy and provide a short-term solution to massive unemployment. It did not
try to manage every sector of the economy single-handedly. Wilson was fighting a war, and his measures
were meant for wartime, not as a permanent model for US society. I don’t
think FDR had, or ever intended to have, the equivalent of Wilson’s centralized boards.
Admittedly, the
power and reach of the US
government gradually increased over its history, with jumps during wartime, and
also during the Depression and the 1960s Great Society. This has been an
evolution towards more government (though some of that’s been reversed since
Reagan), but not towards fascism. More government does not mean fascism, or
even a sort of fascism. To claim otherwise strikes me as polemics. It’s
certainly polemics to see liberalism as a segue to fascism, however
smiley-faced.
By the way, there was a book written in the early 1980s, called Friendly Fascism, by Bertram Gross, which
also predicted that fascism would not come in jackboots, but in a more benign
form. However, he predicted that it would result from the unrestrained power of
corporations, aided by a conservative government that would favor the very
rich. So, you see, it’s easy to use the term “fascism” to describe the abuses of power
or potential abuses of power by the other side, whichever side that is.
6. This
is a reaction to something that Tom Paine said regarding the fact that the left
didn’t always oppose fascism during the 1930s and 1940s. I wouldn't say “the
left” when I mean the Communists. It’s true that the Communist parties
followed the foreign policy of Stalin in lockstep. After the Nazi-Soviet Pact,
they suddenly became warmer towards Nazi Germany. Once Hitler invaded
the Soviet Union, all that went out the window and they hated Germany again. But
this was the Communists… not the democratic left. On a related note: I’m sorry, but I don’t agree with Goldberg
that Stalinism is “part of the liberals’ intellectual history.” Stalinism and liberalism are different species entirely.
7. Liberalism a
political religion? Any simplistic ideology can be a political religion.
Whether a political philosophy devolves into a religion doesn’t depend
only on the philosophy itself, but also on a person’s approach to that
philosophy, on how open-minded that person is. People on the left or the right
can be overly dogmatic, believing in their politics with a dose of
quasi-religious faith. For instance, the belief in the “free market” as the
panacea for society’s ills, the belief that “supply side” economics works, and that
almost all domestic government is by definition bad government…all these are
simplistic views that could qualify as a political religion.
8. Affirmative
action in the USA
has nothing to do with thinking that people are born in any kind of iron cage
of racial identity. I don’t like the way affirmative action is often done, but
the concept has merit. It simply recognizes that it’s not an even playing field
for minorities out there. It’s not being racialist to see that different races
are treated differently by society. And let’s not forget that the quotas
against the Jews in the early part of the twentieth century were not installed
for the same reason that affirmative action has been. The former was to enforce
an ethnic/religious group’s outsider status. Affirmative action aims at just
the opposite for blacks and other minorities.
9. I agree that the Frankfurt School and deconstructionism have had a
profound influence on the intellectual left. But, Martin Heidegger and Paul de
Man aside, these movements were mainly from the left; certainly the Frankfurt School was neo-Marxist. Even though
these philosophies have done some mischief, I cannot understand how they’re
crypto-Nazi in their values or methodology. Many academics who adhere to these
approaches can be arrogant, be intolerant of those who disagree with them,
write impenetrable articles about “texts” and moral relativism in journals that
no one reads, and raise political correctness to the level of catechism. But
all that does not make them crypto-Nazis or crypto-anything. It just makes them
insufferable.
10. OK, Goldberg is not calling leftists Hitlerite Nazis, but
that’s not really the point. He is saying that they have roots, not merely
similarities, but roots, in fascism…not Nazism, but fascism. I don’t follow his
tracing of those roots. Yes, I can accept that some people on the left admired Germany and Italy in the 1930s. That was before
the war and the concentration camps. It was at a time when many people had lost
faith in capitalism and liberal democracy, which they saw as effete, especially
in comparison to the apparently vigorous fascist Italians and Nazi Germans.
Believe me, when WWII came, they got over it.
11. Not all liberals deny that
choices involve trade-offs. Isn’t that what Blairism and Clintonism were all
about? Whenever you aim for a balance between too much government
heavy-handedness on the one hand and a predatory capitalism with enormous
inequities on the other, whenever you try to figure out a pathway between the
two extremes…you’re perforce engaging in trade-offs. Also, health care always
balances cost versus quality, whether it’s in a private or public system or a
system based on a national health insurance. Try getting your care through an
HMO, and you’ll see that private care doesn’t mean the best care. Go to a
doctor in the US,
and experience the long waits, the rushed or indifferent care, and the
subsequent fights with an insurance company that’s tries to give you as
little as possible. I’ve had fights with insurance companies that have lasted
for years. The British NHS? Well, I have heard it’s bad. But Canada’s
system? Germany’s?
Holland’s? Australia’s? Denmark's? I
don’t think most citizens of these countries would want to trade places with
Americans.
In any case, whenever you have tons of demand and limited resources,
as every country does with health care, you will have to compromise no matter
what system you have. Is health care rationed here in the USA (where I
live)? Of course it is, but it's effectively rationed based on ability to pay.
Or it’s meted out based on what's most profitable for the provider or insurer. Not the best
method, in my view.
12. In this interview, the terms “liberals” and “left” are
often used interchangeably. Or, at least, that’s how it seemed to me. That’s
sloppy. All liberals are not moonbats. I am a dyed-in-the-wool liberal
(surprise, surprise), and I don’t eat organic food or wheat germ. I do see politics as the art of the possible.
13. Saying
that there is a strain of utopianism on the left may be accurate enough, but
that statement ignores the fact that, in the post-war period, the mainstream
left in Europe and the USA hasn’t been utopian but very practical, indeed. Kennedy and LBJ were utopians? Clinton? Mondale? Or,
regarding those who could really claim a socialist heritage…Attlee, Wilson,
Callaghan, Brandt, Schmidt? Hell, after little time in office, even
Mitterrand gave up on anything remotely utopian, and the French Socialist party
had until then been genuinely Marxist. For heaven’s sake, there are weird and awful
strains at both ends of the political spectrum. The point is to avoid those
strains.
14. I would call Meryl Yourish a moderate, by the way. She does not
strike me as a full-fledged liberal. In this podcast, she was on the right
track when she spoke of fascistic tendencies on the right as well as on the
left. But here the problem was that she was attaching the word “fascist” to
what amounted to problems like too much government regulation, intolerance and the
desire to impose one's views on others. That’s a long way from genuine fascism.
Again, this does us a disservice by muddying the meaning of the word “fascist.”
15. Maybe the best thing would be to never say “fascist,” but only
“Fascist.” That is to say, use the term to refer to the actual,
historical Fascism, rather than just to anyone who is intolerant, wants to
impose policies we disagree with, and in general doesn't want to play nicely with others. Maybe we could say “fascistic” as an
adjective to describe something or someone that really resembles Fascism in
style or content. Or else, let’s just use the term “intolerant” or even
“authoritarian.” That way, we all don’t contribute to a dumbing down of the
political debate by over-using the term “fascist” where it shouldn’t be used.
And while we’re at it, let’s admit that there’s intolerance and hyperbole on
both sides. I despise Michael Moore…and Ann Coulter. Fair enough?